WILL 'RIGHT WING' GET IT RIGHT, FINALLY?

Somewhat misleadingly for anyone unfamiliar with the fine details of Bulgarian politics, Bulgaria's "right wing" likes to identify itself as being liberal, pro-Western, anti-Russian and "democratic." There isn't too much common ground between the various parties and groupings that make up the Bulgarian "right wing." Albeit currently being in a coalition with each other, the DSB, or Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria (led by Gen Atanas Atanasov), the DB, or Yes Bulgaria (of Bozhidar Bozhanov and Ivaylo Mirchev), and the PP, or Changes Continued (of Kiril Petkov and Asen Vasilev), have varying views about what should be done in the economy, in the civil service, in the bureaucracy of the state, in the Inland Revenue system and so on and so forth. If one were to pinpoint some of the cornerstones that the "democratic community" collectively insists upon, those would have a lot more to do with foreign rather than domestic polities. Yes, the DSB, DB and PP are pro-European and pro-NATO. Yes, they are anti-Russian and anti-Putin. Yes, they are adamant about the introduction of the euro, scheduled for 2026. At home, they say they are anti-corruption, they all want a reform of the judicial system and the administration of justice, and their Number One foe, with the exception of former Prime Minister Boyko Borisov, is Delyan Peevski, the leader of the Turkish – dominated Movement for Rights and Freedoms-New Beginning, whom they like to hold responsible for everything that has gone badly wrong in Bulgaria since the 2000s, and demonise him out of proportion.

With this in mind, senior members of the abovementioned parties convened to discuss and possibly elect, US-caucus style, a common "pro-European" candidate who would garner the support of the "democratic community" in Bulgaria at the 2026 election for president. The last time they stood for office their candidates – Lozan Panov, a judge, and Maria Kasimova-Moisset, a former journalist – received just 3.68 percent of the ballot. President Rumen Radev, who is at present serving his second term, won hands down.

Constitutionally, the role of Bulgaria's president is at best odd. Though elected in a first-past-the-post ballot, implying he or she garners the support of the majority of Bulgarians, the president commands little power. Presidents can veto legislation, but their veto can be easily overruled in parliament. They are commader-in-chief of the armed forces, they can appoint the heads of some services, for example of intelligence, and they endorse Bulgaria's ambassadors abroad. In actual fact, however, the president's role is mainly ceremonial. At least in theory, they should have moral authority and unite rather than disunite the nation.

The record of incumbent President Rumen Radev, a former Air Force general, is crinkly. On the one hand, from the very beginning he has opposed the reportedly corrupt practices and nativist methods of former Prime Minister Boyko Borisov. His appointment of Kiril Petkov and Asen Vasilev, back in 2022, in effect propelled these relatively young men to prominence. However, his irresolute stance on Russia's invasion of Ukraine and, most recently, his demagoguery about the introduction of the euro, have left a bad taste in the mouths of anyone considering themselves a part of the "democratic community."

The main trouble the "right wing" now faces is the lack of "human material," as Boyko Borisov once infamously put it. The names of candidates unofficially put in circulation include individuals who have long become old hats in Bulgarian politics. Gen Atanas Atanasov, a founding member of the DSB, which has failed to win any election since it was set up in 2004, is one of them. Another is Nikolay Denkov, an academic, who was prime minister in  2023-2024. His critics sometimes describe him as being a "grey man in a grey suit." Professor Veselin Metodiev, reportedly another would-be candidate, was already nominated for president in 2006. He failed to gather the support of the "right wing" parties, who instead chose Nedelcho Beronov, a jurist, who in turn failed miserably at the ballots. So far the only new name in circulation is that of Zahari Karabashliev, a writer and the manager of Ciela publishers. However, his critics say his books and social media appearances alone are unlikely to convince.

An outlandish idea was put forward by Ivan Kostov, an economist who was prime  minister in 1997-2001. Despite being out of politics since he was ignominiously defeated at the ballot boxes by King Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Kostov continues to be glorified by a small section of the "democratic community," who consider him a founding father of Bulgaria's post-Communist democracy. Kostov made it plain and simple: this country's "best president" was Petar Stoyanov. Stoyanov, a former divorce lawyer from Plovdiv, was a one-term president in 1997-2002. Regardless of his achievements or failures, invoking the name of someone who has been out of the political limelight for over 20 years is indicative of the human resources situation in the "democratic community."

The collective Bulgarian "right wing," consequently, may be in for another election failure unless they start addressing the real problems of ordinary people, in a language that belongs to the 21st century rather than the 1990s. And, first and foremost, agree on a nomination that is recognisable by both the intellectuals in Central Sofia and the rank-and-file citizens in the provinces.