Bulgarians have never been so dissatisfied with their elected politicians. At the 19 April election, the eighth in five years, both the turnout of about 40 percent (extremely low in Western but relatively high in Bulgarian standards) and the voting pattern suggest that that this time around a genuine change may be in the offing. Here are the key takeaways.
If opinion polls are anything to go by (and in Bulgaria they usually aren't), the next snap election, scheduled for 19 April, will produce a less fragmented parliament. If this does happen, the country may be in for a period of relative political stability, something which the constant bickering in Bulgarian politics has deprived citizens of since the beginning of the current bout of snap elections.
Тhe first people to arrive at the crime scene were not the police. It was Borislav Sarafov, the controversial interim chief prosecutor, and members of the DANS, or National Security Agency. None of them should have been there. Murder in Bulgaria is usually a matter for the homicide cops – unless national security, terrorism, drug enforcement or exceptional circumstances warrant the involvement of the DANS.
It is natural for people arriving in a completely unknown culture to err left, right and centre, but if you abide by the precepts of this brief, yet helpful guide, you will at least not make a complete fool of yourself. Girdle up your loins and prepare for a tough negotiation with Bulgaria's habits, whims, quirks and body language.
1. Plenty of "spaghetti sauce"?
Somewhat misleadingly for anyone unfamiliar with the fine details of Bulgarian politics, Bulgaria's "right wing" likes to identify itself as being liberal, pro-Western, anti-Russian and "democratic." There isn't too much common ground between the various parties and groupings that make up the Bulgarian "right wing." Albeit currently being in a coalition with each other, the DSB, or Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria (led by Gen Atanas Atanasov), the DB, or Yes Bulgaria (of Bozhidar Bozhanov and Ivaylo Mirchev), and the PP, or Changes Continued (of Kiril Petkov and Asen Vasilev), have varying v
Wittingly or not, President Rumen Radev joined forces with the extremist Vazrazhdane, or Revival, party. Without any immediate motive but with a sense of urgency he called for a referendum on whether Bulgaria should adopt the euro. Just a few years previously, Radev was a staunch opponent of any such referendum. What caused the volte-face?
When Bulgarians went to the ballots in October 2024 in what was the seventh snap election in the course of three years, as few as 16.5 percent, according to a poll, thought the election would be free and fair. It wasn't, the Constitutional Court ruled in March 2025. As a result, several parties lost a number of their MPs and the National Assembly had a newcomer, a political grouping calling itself Grandeur.
Аs President Donald Trump's sweeping and at times apparently controversial actions cause at best raised eyebrows in Europe, Bulgarians have found a new dividing line: whether to approve of the American President, the "new sheriff in town," as his VP J. D. Vance has called him, or to join the chorus of the acrimonious critics who increasingly denounce him as a new Hitler.
In Joseph Heller's timeless masterpiece, Catch 22, there is a minor character named Major Major Major Major. Major Major Major Major Major has a father, whom Heller describes as a "God-fearing, freedom-loving, law-abiding rugged individualist... who advocates thrift and hard work, and disapproves of loose women who turn him down." Catch 22 was a very popular book in Communist Bulgaria because those who read it did not have to be very imaginative to see the obvious parallels with real life this side of the Iron Curtain.
Predictably, the 27 October snap ballot – the 7th in three years – failed to elect a viable parliament capable of producing a long-term government. With a turnout of just over 38 percent – slightly higher than the pervious election in June 2024 – it took about 10,700 votes for an MP to get elected.
As Bulgaria is heading for a seventh snap election in just three years, two events mark the month of August, which is traditionally seen as a holiday season for working Bulgarians. Whilst Sofia has been going through repeated heat waves, the Constitutional Court judges repealed most of the much-hailed but apparently ill-thought-out Constitutional reforms passed last year in a rare show of agreement between Boyko Borisov's GERB, the DPS, or Movement for Rights and Freedoms, and the PP-DB-DSB, or Changes Continued-Yes Bulgaria-Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria.
As the seventh general election in two years seems unavoidable, Bulgaria is faced with yet another uncertainty. Will the Constitutional Court approve or reject the changes to the basic law pushed through at the end of 2023 at the insistence of the now besmirched PP-DB-DSB, or Changes Continued-Yes Bulgaria-Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria, but accepted with the support of other political parties, including Boyko Borisov's GERB and the Turkish-dominated DPS, or Movement for Rights and Freedoms, that the PP-DB-DSB had been representing as their chief political foes?
As ballot counters concluded the relatively easy task of turning out the record-low number of votes in the 9 June general election, some unpleasant truths emerged. Politicians and analysts of all shades and hues will have to stomach them unless they want to consign themselves to the dustbin of history. Here are the most important ones.
Тhe overwhelming majority of Bulgarians who will go to the polls in June to elect their next National Assembly will do so with one all-pervasive sentiment. Disgust. They are disgusted at the incompetence and hypocrisy of the former rulers, the markedly pro-Western, liberal grouping of the CC-DB, or Changes Continued-Democratic Bulgaria. They are disgusted by the Monkey-See-Monkey-Do mentality of their pious followers, who like to introduce themselves as "smart and beautiful" intellectuals.
In the 1990s and early 2000s Bulgaria, a former East bloc country, was an enthusiastic applicant to join both NATO and the EU. Twenty years later the initial enthusiasm has waned. There are now parties with sizeable, albeit still politically insignificant, support that demand a Bulgarexit, first from NATO and then from the EU. Their declared "love" for Russia is being echoed even by people who approve of NATO, the EU and the West in general.
А crudely-cut cartoon circulating on social media shows Former Foreign Minister Solomon Pasi, who is Jewish, being held by two Nazi-clad soldiers. The text (in Bulgarian) reads: "If you don't want Russian gas, we will give you some of ours."
This journal has rarely abstained from calling a spade a spade whenever it comes to the Bulgarian political apple cart, but in this particular instance we thought the cartoon was so tasteless, offensive and plainly disgusting that we will not reprint it, not even for illustration purposes.
Some years ago the Pew Research Center in Washington DC produced a survey indicating the levels of nostalgia in Bulgaria surpassed by far longing for the past everywhere else in the former East bloc countries. How come? Why would the citizens of what today continues to be the European Union's poorest, most corrupt and least free state want to return to a nebulous and increasingly distant totalitarian past? What differs the modern Poles, Czechs and Romanians – not to mention the former East Germans – who have long forgotten about Communism from their peers in the southern Balkans?